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Issue 4, 2007
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Shades of Grey
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Gay marriage and the Filipino LGBT movement
All is not black and white… and we want to explore the shades of grey.
Feminism is diverse and we don’t always agree totally with one another,
though we may share a similar perspective. While we don’t want to silence
other viewpoints, we want to focus on the finer distinctions between arguments
used by people who are on the same side of the table.
The issue of same-sex marriage or ‘gay marriage’, as it is popularly called,
has been in the news quite a lot. It is a topic that arouses quite inflamed
opinions both within the LGBT community as well as in the larger society.
These for and against arguments will continue, and it is not the purpose of
this column to resolve them.
Here’s what we asked J. Neil C. Garcia: Should people have the right to marry
someone of their own gender? Should people require legal sanction to do this? What
larger questions does this issue raise about relationships?
J. Neil C. Garcia
Marriage as an ‘avowed’ political issue has enjoyed a
relatively short career in the history of LGBT advocacy
in the Philippines, which, as we know, has been engaging
in institutional politics for more than a decade now. It’s
important to note that the current LGBT legislative agenda
no longer includes gay and lesbian marriage, and the reason
is, predictably enough, strategic more than anything: in a
country where the medieval Catholic church continues
to have the last word on matters of public morality, the
leaders of the national LGBT movement abdicated early on
the dream of winning the war, and instead opted to focus
their energies on small but hopefully winnable battles.
A sketch of the ‘difficult’ history of the legislative agenda
might prove instructive. In 1995, a congressman from
Quezon City filed a bill in the Lower House that sought
to include the LGBT sector in the party-list elections. A
‘citizens’ alliance’ of various LGBT organisations was
mulled for this purpose, but like this initiative, it never
prospered. Three years later, a party-list organisation that
ran (and won) in the national elections, sought the help
of several LGBT organisations in developing its agenda for
the community, which it decided to include in its platform
for governance. Obviously, this was a milestone. The
groups that were consulted later constituted the ‘lobby’
that would push for the passage of the anti-discrimination
bill. A year later, after extensive discussion and planning
among around a dozen LGBT organisations from some of
the major cities and provinces in the country, the Lesbian
and Gay Legislative Advocacy Network (or LAGBLAB), was formed.
In the lower house of Congress,
the lone representative from
a poor province northeast of
Manila filed the Lesbian and Gay
Rights Act of 1999. This was a
rather comprehensive proposal
that indeed included provisions
for gay and lesbian domestic
‘partnerships’ (a euphemism for
the decidedly more contentious
word ‘marriage’). This was
the first bill of its kind ever
to be filed in the Philippine
Congress, and it was greeted
with horrified dismay by both
senators and congressmen alike.
Its draft was promptly critiqued
by LAGABLAB and other LGBT
organisations, simply because
it was much too ambitious too
soon. Moreover, well-meaning
though its proponent was, the
truth of the matter was that her
bill simply didn’t emerge out of
any kind of consultative process
with the LGBT community
itself.
In 2001, after several months
of intense consultation with
members of LAGABLAB, the
anti-discrimination bill was filed
in both houses of Congress. This
bill was a significantly watereddown
version of the earlier bill, and instead of championing
the too-controversial cause of gay and lesbian marriage,
its chief provision was to penalize those who would
discriminate against any Filipino citizen by virtue of his or
her sexual orientation. To promote passage of this bill in
both houses, as well as to raise awareness in the country
on the LGBT anti-discrimination
cause, LAGABLAB launched a
popular campaign, which it called
‘Stop Discrimination Now’.
This campaign was supported by
the Philippine arm of Amnesty-
International, as well as by the
International Gay and Lesbian
Human Rights Commission,
the Lesbian Advocates of the
Philippines, and by other
progressive civic organisations
and individuals. House Bill 6416,
or the Antidiscrimination Bill,
was passed in 2004 by the House
of Representatives, but the
Senate failed to approve it before
it adjourned its eleventh session.
In 2006, during the twelfth
session of Congress, three
antidiscrimination bills and three
anti-same-sex marriage bills
were filed in the Senate and in the
House of Representatives. The
most that happened to these bills
was they were referred to the
pertinent committees. Though
quiet on the issue of marriage,
one of the senate bills was in fact
pretty comprehensive, being the
counterpart of the house bill that
was sponsored by three partylist
representatives, and that
had already been approved by
the House Committee on Civil,
Political and Human Rights. On
the other hand, the other two bills
in the upper house sought to prevent Philippine recognition
of marriages contracted by Filipino transgenders and/or
gay men in the Philippines or in countries which legally
recognize such unions. Their primary provision was to
amend the Family Code, by confining the definition
of marriage to “natural-born males and females only.”
They were filed in reaction to
recent court rulings that had
allowed Filipino male-to-female
transgenders to change their legal
sex.
On the other hand, not to be
caught napping, and eager to
prove its concern and possibly
win support from the obviously
burgeoning and politicized urban
LGBT community, the National
Democratic Front, which
continues to wage its Maoiststyle
revolution in the Philippine
countryside, issued reports to the
mainstream Philippine press that
its leaders had already allowed
gay and lesbian ‘marriages’ among
revolutionary fighters and kadres,
up in the mountainous fastnesses
of the archipelago.
Needless to say, while reasons
of a strategic and provisional
import have forced the Filipino
LGBT movement to forego it
for now, the question of gay
and lesbian marriage continues
to be a pressing concern for
many Filipino LGBTs, especially
those who were brought up as
Catholics, for whom—we must
remember—marriage is not just a civil ceremony but
rather a solemn and grace-giving sacrament. Certainly, the
tragic irony here is that it is this very same religious system
that will most probably thwart any and all efforts to extend
this form of social and religious recognition (with all its
attendant benefits and responsibilities) to Filipino Catholic
LGBTs themselves.
On a personal note, I must admit that while marriage
isn’t for me—disabused as I have been by the awful,
harrowing, if not ridiculous experience of my ‘properly
wedded’ parents, relatives, and
friends—as an LGBT cause I do
support it, of course, as it’s rather
likely there are quite a number of
Filipino lesbians, gays, bisexuals
and transgenders who want it.
The argument is plain and simple
enough, and I do earnestly buy
it: the majority has no right to
deny such fundamental things as
marriage, adoption, and other
citizenship rights to the minority,
even or especially when it’s a
sexual minority.
On the other hand, I also do
believe that, in the long haul,
Filipino LGBTs (like LGBTs
everywhere) do need to move
away from heterosexual models
altogether, including if not
especially marriage. (A close
friend of mine summed it up
rather mordantly over dinner
one time: If marriage hasn’t
quite worked for straights, why
should we want it for ourselves?)
My sense is that it may not be
the outward form but rather the
‘substance’ of the marital bond
that we need to interrogate in the
end, and to my mind what lies at
the core of the problem that is
marriage is nothing if not our traditional notion of romance,
which simply isn’t enough to sustain a relationship after
all, since we all know that it is predicated on this thing
called mystery. The sad reality about mysteries is that they
naturally become dissipated and replaced with familiarity
and intimate knowledge with the passage of time. As I see
it, when a romantic relationship ends, it’s usually because
expectations of both or either of the parties involved are
spectacularly frustrated by the recognition of what is
really and unmistakably there. It goes without saying that a
relationship lasts only because when the thrill of romance
has ended, both partners find
the frayed and raggedly familiar
altogether lovely, beloved, and
dear.
The conventional concept of
romance is that it requires
and therefore permits perfect
strangers to hurt us (inasmuch in
the conventional sense, lovers are
indeed generally ‘strangers’). On
the other hand, our friends who’ve
known and loved and accepted
us for who and what we are, are
simply not good enough to be our
lovers, and so can never be the
object of our affection and desire?
My feeling is that LGBTs need to
rescue the idea of friendship from
its demeaned position in this
unspoken hierarchy of emotional
attachments, and make it the
foundation, the benchmark, of
all profound relationships. As
long as we’re obsessed with this
traditional notion of romantic
love, then we’re never going to
find stability and fulfillment in
our relationships, because the
strangers who embody them can
only fail and hurt us in the end,
as all strangers must and as all
strangers will. Finally, if only to
make our significant partnerships
endure, I feel that we must be
willing to put away our silly old
notions of romance, in favor
of that true and wonderful
experience called friendship,
whose other name is love.
Such a radical redefinition of love
(or of friendship) may appear
shocking and unthinkable at first,
but what we must realize is that
one of the good things about
being LGBT is that since our
identities fall outside the norm,
we are basically free to imagine
and to invent ourselves and
our relationships—indeed, our
‘humanities’. What we need to
remember is that, as LGBTs, we
already are, by necessity, living
on the edge of what’s possible.
Concerning this issue (as well as
all the other issues, I suppose), we
must never be afraid to desire, to
dream ourselves (and our loves)
into being.
J. Neil C. Garcia is a poet, critic, and Professor of Comparative
Literature at the University of the Philippines in Diliman, Quezon City, The
Philippines. He is the author of several books of poetry as well as studies in
Philippine gay literary and cultural criticism. He co-edited the popular gay
anthology series Ladlad, and is the founding adviser of the UP Babaylan, the
first officially recognized LGBT student’s organisation in the University of the
Philippines.
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